The territory was divided into colonies, each with its own administration: Canada, Acadia, Newfoundland(Plaisance), and Louisiana. The Treaty of Utrecht resulted in the relinquishing of French claims to mainland Acadia, the Hudson Bay and Newfoundland, and the establishment of the colony of Île Royale, now called Cape Breton Island, where the French built the Fortress of Louisbourg. Acadia had a difficult history, with the Great Upheaval, remembered on July 28 each year since 2003. The descendants are dispersed in the Maritime Provinces of Canada, in Maine and Louisiana in the United States, with small populations in Chéticamp, Nova Scotia and the Magdalen Islands.
The first European to discover the site of present-day New York, he named it Nouvelle-Angoulême in honour of the king, the former count of Angoulême. Verrazzano’s voyage convinced the king to seek to establish a colony in the newly discovered land. Verrazzano gave the names Francesca and Nova Gallia to that land between New Spain (Mexico) and English Newfoundland.
A map of New France made by Samuel de Champlain in 1612.
In 1534, Jacques Cartier planted a cross in the Gaspé Peninsula and claimed the land in the name of King Francis I. It was the first province of New France. However, initial French attempts at settling the region met with failure.
French fishing fleets continued to sail to the Atlantic coast and into the St. Lawrence River, making alliances with First Nations that became important once France began to occupy the land. French merchants soon realized the St. Lawrence region was full of valuable fur-bearing animals, especially the beaver, which were becoming rare in Europe. Eventually, the French crown decided to colonize the territory to secure and expand its influence in America.
Acadia and Canada (New France) were inhabited by indigenous nomadic Algonquian peoples and sedentary Iroquoian peoples. These lands were full of unexploited and valuable natural riches, which attracted all of Europe. By the 1580s, French trading companies had been set up, and ships were contracted to bring back furs. Much of what transpired between the natives and their European visitors around that time is not known for lack of historical records.
Early attempts at establishing permanent settlements were failures. In 1598, a trading post was established on Sable Island, off the coast of Acadia, but was unsuccessful. In 1600, a trading post was established at Tadoussac, but only five settlers survived the winter. In 1604, a settlement was founded at Île-Saint-Croix on Baie François (Bay of Fundy), which was moved to Port-Royal in 1605. It was abandoned in 1607, reestablished in 1610, and destroyed in 1613, after which settlers moved to other nearby locations, creating settlements that were collectively known as Acadia, and the settlers as Acadians.
In 1608, sponsored by Henry IV, Pierre Dugua, Sieur de Mons and Samuel de Champlain founded the city of Quebec with 28 men, the second permanent French settlement in the colony of Canada. Colonization was slow and difficult. Many settlers died early, because of harsh weather and diseases. In 1630, there were only 103 colonists living in the settlement, but by 1640, the population had reached 355.
Champlain allied himself as soon as possible with the Algonquin and Montagnais peoples in the area, who were at war with the Iroquois. In 1609, Champlain, along with two other French companions, accompanied by his Algonquin, Montagnais and Huron allies, travelled south from the St. Lawrence valley to Lake Champlain, where he participated decisively in a battle against the Iroquois, killing two Iroquois chiefs with the first shot of his Arquebus. This military engagement against the Iroquois solidified the position of Champlain with New France’s Huron and Algonquin allies, bonds vital to New France in order to keep the fur trade alive.
For the better part of a century the Iroquois and French clashed in a series of attacks and reprisals. He also arranged to have young French men live with the natives, to learn their language and customs and help the French adapt to life in North America. These men, known as coureurs des bois (runners of the woods) (such as Étienne Brûlé), extended French influence south and west to the Great Lakes and among the Huron tribes who lived there.
For the first few decades of the colony’s existence, the French population numbered only a few hundred, while the English colonies to the south were much more populous and wealthy. Cardinal Richelieu, adviser to Louis XIII, wished to make New France as significant as the English colonies. In 1627, Richelieu founded the Company of One Hundred Associates to invest in New France, promising land parcels to hundreds of new settlers and to turn Canada into an important mercantile and farming colony.
Champlain was named Governor of New France. Richelieu then forbade non-Roman Catholics from living there. Protestants were required to renounce their faith to establish themselves in New France; many therefore chose instead to move to the English colonies.
The Roman Catholic Church, and missionaries such as the Recollets and the Jesuits, became firmly established in the territory. Richelieu also introduced the seigneurial system, a semi-feudal system of farming that remained a characteristic feature of the St. Lawrence valley until the 19th century. While Richelieu’s efforts did little to increase the French presence in New France, they did pave the way for the success of later efforts.
At the same time the English colonies to the south began to raid the St. Lawrence valley, and, in 1629, Quebec itself was captured and held by the English until 1632. Champlain returned to Canada that year, and requested that Sieur de Laviolette found another trading post at Trois-Rivières, which he did in 1634. Champlain died in 1635.
The French Catholic Church, which after Champlain’s death was the dominant force in New France, wanted to establish a utopianChristian community in the colony. In 1642, they sponsored a group of settlers, led by Paul Chomedey de Maisonneuve, who founded Ville-Marie, precursor to present-day Montreal, farther up the St. Lawrence. Throughout the 1640s, Jesuit missionaries penetrated the Great Lakes region and converted many of the Huron natives. The missionaries came into conflict with the Iroquois, who frequently attacked Montreal.
The presence of Jesuit missionaries in Huron society was nonnegotiable. The Huron natives relied on French goods to facilitate life and warfare. Because the French would refuse trade to all Native American societies that denied relations with missionaries, the Huron natives had more of a propensity towards Christian conversion. The Huron natives heavily relied on European goods to perform burial ceremonies known as The Huron Feast of the Dead. Trading with the French allowed for larger amounts of decorative goods to be buried during ceremonies as opposed to only a bare minimum. With the growing epidemics and high number of deaths, the Huron natives could not afford to lose relations with the French, fearing to anger their ancestors.
Subsequent to the arrival of French children in Quebec in 1634, a particular disease known as measles was also brought along with them, which quickly spread among the Native American people. Jesuit priest Jean de Brébeuf described the symptoms as being severe. Brebeuf stated that the Native American’s fearlessness towards death upon this disease made them perfect candidates for conversion to Christianity. The Native Americans believed that if they did not convert to Christianity, they would be exposed to the evil magic of the priests that caused the illness.
Jesuit missionaries were troubled by the absence of patriarchy in Native American communities. Native American women were highly regarded within their societies and participated in political and military decisions. Jesuits attempted to eliminate the matriarchy and shift the powers of men and women to accommodate those of European societies. “In France, women are to be obedient to their masters, their husbands.” Jesuits would attempt to justify this to the native women in hopes to enlighten them on proper European behavior. In response, Native American women grew worrisome of the presence of these missionaries fearing they would lose power and freedom within their communities.
The transport infrastructure in New France was almost nonexistent, with few roads and canals.The canals would be up to 3 miles long at times and boats were thin and simple. Thus people used the waterways, especially the St. Lawrence River, as the main form of transportation, by canoes. In the winter, when the lakes froze, both the poor and the rich travelled by sleds pulled by dogs or horses. A land transportation system was not developed in the region until the 1830s, when stretches of road were built along the river, and the Rideau Canal project was not completed until 1840.
In 1650, New France had seven hundred colonists and Montreal had only a few dozen settlers. Because Indians did most of the work of beaver hunting, the company needed few French employees. The severely underpopulated New France almost fell completely to hostile Iroquois forces. In 1660, settler Adam Dollard des Ormeaux led a Canadian and Huron militia against a much larger Iroquois force; none of the Canadians survived, but they succeeded in turning back the Iroquois invasion. In 1627, Quebec had only eighty-five French colonists and was easily overwhelmed two years later when three English privateers plundered the settlement. In 1663, New France finally became more secure when Louis XIV made it a royal province, taking control away from the Company of One Hundred Associates. In the same year the Société Notre-Dame de Montréal ceded its possessions to the Seminaire de Saint-Sulpice. The crown stimulated emigration to New France by paying for transatlantic passages and offering other incentives to those willing to move, and the population of New France grew to three thousand.
In 1665, he sent a French garrison, the Carignan-Salières Regiment, to Quebec. The government of the colony was reformed along the lines of the government of France, with the Governor General and Intendant subordinate to the Minister of the Marine in France. In 1665, Jean Talon was sent by Minister of the Marine Jean-Baptiste Colbert to New France as the first Intendant. These reforms limited the power of the Bishop of Quebec, who had held the greatest amount of power after the death of Champlain.
The 1666 census of New France was conducted by France’s intendant, Jean Talon, in the winter of 1665–66. It showed a population of 3,215 habitants in New France, many more than there had been only a few decades earlier, but also a great difference in the number of men (2,034) and women (1,181).
Talon tried to reform the seigneurial system, forcing the seigneurs to actually reside on their land, and limiting the size of the seigneuries, in an attempt to make more land available to new settlers. These schemes were ultimately unsuccessful. Very few settlers arrived, and the various industries established by Talon did not surpass the importance of the fur trade.
One group of King’s Daughters arrives at Quebec, 1667
The first settler was brought to Quebec by Champlain – the apothecary Louis Hébert and his family, of Paris. They came expressly to settle, stay in one place to make the New France settlement function. Waves of recruits came in response to the requests for men with specific skills, like farming, apothecaries, blacksmiths. As couples married, cash incentives to have large families were put in place, and were effective.
To strengthen the colony and make it the centre of France’s colonial empire, Louis XIV decided to send single women, aged between 15 and 30 known as the King’s Daughters or in French, les filles du roi, to New France, paying for their passage and granting goods or money as a dowry. Approximately 800 arrived during 1663–1673. The King’s Daughters found husbands among the male settlers within a year or two, as well as a new life for themselves. They came on their own choice, many because they could not make a favorable marriage in the social hierarchy in France. They were from commoner families in the Paris area, Normandy and the central-western regions of France. By 1672, the population of New France had risen to 6,700, from 3,200 in 1663.
At the same time, marriages with the natives were encouraged and indentured servants, known as engagés, were also sent to New France. The women played a major role in establishing family life, civil society, and enabling rapid demographic growth. There was a high demand for children, for they contributed to the prosperity of the farm from an early age, and there was plenty of food for them. Women bore about 30% more children than comparable women who remained in France. Landry says, “Canadians had an exceptional diet for their time. This was due to the natural abundance of meat, fish, and pure water; the good food conservation conditions during the winter; and an adequate wheat supply in most years.”
Besides household duties, some women participated in the fur trade, the major source of cash in New France. They worked at home alongside their husbands or fathers as merchants, clerks and provisioners. Some were widows who took over their husband’s roles. A handful were active entrepreneurs in their own right.
After the Treaty of Utrecht in 1713, New France began to prosper. Industries, such as fishing and farming, which had failed under Talon, began to flourish. A “King’s Highway” (Chemin du Roy) was built between Montreal and Quebec to encourage faster trade. The shipping industry also flourished as new ports were built and old ones were upgraded. The number of colonists greatly increased. By 1720, Canada had become a self-sufficient colony with a population of 24,594 people. The Church, although now less powerful than it had originally been, controlled education and social welfare. These years of peace are often referred to by French Canadians as New France’s “Golden Age”.
Many strategic forts were built there, under the orders of Governor Louis de Buade de Frontenac. Forts were also built in the older portions of New France that had not yet been settled. Many of these forts were garrisoned by the Troupes de la Marine, the only regular soldiers in New France between 1683 and 1755.
According to the staples thesis, the economic development of New France was marked by the emergence of successive economies based on staple commodities, each of which dictated the political and cultural settings of the time. During the 16th and early 17th centuries New France’s economy was heavily centered on its Atlantic fisheries. This would change in the later half of the 17th and 18th centuries as French settlement penetrated further into the continental interior. Here French economic interests would shift and concentrate itself on the development of the North American fur trade. It would soon become the new staple good that would strengthen and drive New France’s economy, in particular that of Montreal, for the next century.
Map showing the approximate location of major tribes and settlements.
The trading post of Ville-Marie, established on the current island of Montreal, quickly became the economic hub for the French fur trade. It achieved this in great part due to its particular location along the St. Lawrence River. From here a new economy emerged, one of size and density that provided increased economic opportunities for the inhabitants of New France. In December 1627 the Company of New France was recognized and given commercial rights to the gathering and export of furs from French territories. By trading with native populations and securing the main markets its power grew steadily for the next decade. As a result, it was able to set specific price points for furs and other valuable goods, often doing so to protect its economic hegemony over other trading partners and other areas of the economy.
The fur trade itself was based on a commodity of small bulk but yet high value. Because of this it managed to attract increased attention and/or input capital that would otherwise be intended for other areas of the economy. The Montreal area witnessed a stagnant agricultural sector; it remained for the most part subsistence orientated with little or no trade purposes outside of the French colony. This was a prime example of the handicapping effect the fur trade had on its neighbouring areas of the economy.
Nonetheless, by the beginning of the 1700s the economic prosperity the fur trade stimulated slowly transformed Montreal. Economically, it was no longer a town of small traders or of fur fairs but rather a city of merchants and of bright lights. The primary sector of the fur trade, the act of acquiring and the selling of the furs, quickly promoted the growth of complementary second and tertiary sectors of the economy. For instance a small number of tanneries was established in Montreal as well as a larger number of inns, taverns and markets that would support the growing number of inhabitants whose livelihood depended on the fur trade. Already by 1683 there were well over 140 families and there may have been as many as 900 people living in Montreal.
The founding of the Compagnie des Indes in 1718 once again highlighted the economic importance of the fur trade. This merchant association, like its predecessor the Compagnie des Cent Associes, regulated the fur trade to the best of its abilities imposing price points, supporting government sale taxes and combating black market practices. However, by the middle half of the 18th century the fur trade was in a slow decline.
The natural abundance of furs had passed and it could no longer meet market demand. This eventually resulted in the repeal of the 25 percent sales tax that had previously aimed at curbing the administrative costs New France had accumulated. In addition, dwindling supply increased black market trading. A greater number of natives and fur traders began circumnavigating Montreal and New France altogether; many began trading with either British or Dutch merchants to the south.
By the end of French rule in New France in 1763, the fur trade had significantly lost its importance as the key stable good that supported much of New France’s economy for more than the last century. Even so, it did serve as the fundamental force behind the establishment and vast growth of Montreal and the French colony.
The arrival of Radisson in an Indian camp in 1660.
The coureurs des bois were responsible for starting the flow of trade from Montreal, carrying French goods into upper territories while the Indians were bringing down their furs. The coureurs travelled with intermediate trading tribes, and found that they were anxious to prevent French access to the more distant fur-hunting tribes. Still, the coureurs kept thrusting outwards using the Ottawa River as their initial step upon the journey and keeping Montreal as their starting point. The Ottawa River was significant because it offered a route that was practical for Europeans, by taking the traders northward out of the territory dominated by the Iroquois. It was for this reason that Montreal and the Ottawa River was a central location of Indian warfare and rivalry.
Montreal faced difficulties by having too many coureurs out in the woods. The furs coming down were causing an oversupply on the markets of Europe. This challenged the coureurs trade because the coureur so easily evaded controls, monopolies, and taxation, and additionally because the coureurs trade was held to debauch both Frenchmen and Indians. The coureur debauched Frenchmen by accustoming them to fully live with Indians, and Indians by trading on their desire for alcohol.
The issues caused a great rift in the colony, and in 1678 it was confirmed by a General Assembly that the trade was to be made in public so as to better assure the safety of Indians. It was also forbidden to take spirits inland to trade with the Indians. However these restrictions on the coureurs, for a variety of reasons, never worked. The fur trade remained dependent on spirits, and increasingly in the hands of the coureurs who journeyed north in search of furs.
As time passed, the Coureurs des bois were partially replaced by licensed fur trading endeavors, and the main canoe travel workers of those endeavors were called voyageurs.
The French were interested in exploiting the land through the fur trade as well as the timber trade later on. Despite having tools and guns, the French settlers were dependent on Indigenous people to survive in the difficult climate in this part of North America. Many settlers did not know how to survive through the winter; the Indigenous people showed them how to survive in the New World. They showed the settlers how to hunt for food and to use the furs for clothing that would protect them during the winter months.
As the fur trade became the dominant economy in the New World, French voyageurs, trappers and hunters often married or formed relationships with Indigenous women. This allowed the French to develop relations with their wives’ Indigenous nations, which in turn provided protection and access to their hunting and trapping grounds.
The fur trade benefited Indigenous people as well. They traded furs for metal tools and other European made items that made their lives easier. Knives, pots and kettles allowed the women an easier time when preparing meals, while nets, firearms and hatchets made it easier and quicker for the men to hunt and fish. At the same time, while their everyday lives were made easier, some traditional ways of doing things were abandoned or altered, and while Indigenous people embraced many of these implements and tools, however, they also were exposed to less vital trade goods, such as alcohol and sugar.
Formal entry of England in New France area fur trade
Since Henry Hudson had claimed Hudson Bay, and the surrounding lands for England in 1611, English colonists had begun expanding their boundaries across what is now the Canadian north beyond the French-held territory of New France. In 1670, King Charles II of England issued a charter to Prince Rupert and “the Company of Adventurers of England trading into Hudson Bay” for an English monopoly in harvesting furs in Rupert’s Land, a portion of the land draining into Hudson Bay. This is the start of the Hudson’s Bay Company, ironically aided by French coureurs des bois, Pierre-Esprit Radisson and Médard des Groseilliers, frustrated with French license rules. Now both France and England are formally in the Canadian fur trade.
The major commercial importance of the Louisiana Purchase territory was the Mississippi River. New Orleans, the largest and most important city in the territory, was the most commercial city in the U.S. until the Civil War, with most jobs there being related to trade and shipping; there was little manufacturing. The first commercial shipment to come down the Mississippi River was of deer and bear hides in 1705.
The French (later Spanish) Louisiana Territory was owned by France for a number of years before the money-losing territory was transferred to French banker Antoine Crozat in 1713 for 15 years. After losing four times his investment, Crozat gave up his charter in 1717. In 1719 control of Louisiana and its 700 inhabitants was given to the Company of the Indies in 1719. The company conducted a major settlement program by recruiting European settlers to locate in the territory. Unemployed persons, convicts and prostitutes were also sent to the Louisiana Territory. After the bankruptcy of the company in 1720, control was returned to the king.
Louis XV saw no value in Louisiana, and in order to bring about an end to the Seven Years’ War, he transferred Louisiana to his cousin Charles III of Spain in 1763. Louisiana remained under the control of Spain until it was demanded to be turned over to France by Napoleon. Although Louisiana was property of France by the Third Treaty of San Ildefonso in 1800, Louisiana continued to be administered by Spain until the Louisiana Purchase in 1803. Following the Louisiana purchase, the population of the subsequently divided territory that contained most of present-day Louisiana tripled between 1803 and Louisiana statehood in 1812.
Map of North America in 1702 showing forts, towns and (in solid colors) areas occupied by European settlements.
The presence of settlers, of businesses from several European countries harvesting furs, along with the interests of the indigenous people in this new competition for North American resources set the scene for significant military conflicts among all parties in New France beginning in 1642, and ending with the Seven Years’ War, 1756–1763.
Ville-Marie was a noteworthy site for it was the center of defense against the Iroquois, the point of departure for all western and northern journeys, and the meeting point to which the trading Indians brought their annual furs. This placed Ville-Marie, later known as Montreal, at the forefront against the Iroquois, which resulted in its trade being easily and frequently interrupted. The Iroquois were in alliance with the Dutch and English, which allowed them to interrupt the French fur trade and send the furs down the Hudson River to the Dutch and English traders.
Engraving depicting Adam Dollard with a keg of gunpowder above his head, during the Battle of Long Sault.
This also put the Iroquois at warfare against the Hurons, the Algonquians, and any other tribes that were in alliance with the French. If the Iroquois could destroy New France and its Indian allies, they would be able to trade freely and profitably with the Dutch and English on the Hudson River. The Iroquois formally attacked the settlement at today’s Quebec City in its foundation year of 1642, and in almost every subsequent year thereafter. A militant theocracy maintained Montreal. In 1653 and 1654 reinforcements arrived at Montreal, which allowed the Iroquois to be halted. In that year the Iroquois made peace with the French.
Adam Dollard des Ormeaux, a colonist and soldier of New France, was a notable figure regarding the Iroquois attacks against Montreal. The Iroquois soon resumed their assaults against Montreal, and the few settlers of Montreal fell almost completely to hostile Iroquois forces. In the spring of 1660, Adam Dollard des Ormeaux led a small militia consisting of 16 men from Montreal against a much larger Iroquois force at the Battle of Long Sault on the Ottawa River. They succeeded in turning back the Iroquois invasion and are responsible for saving Montreal from destruction. The encounter between Ormeaux and the Iroquois is of significance because it dissuaded the Iroquois from further attacks against Montreal.
In 1688, King William’s War began and the English and Iroquois launched a major assault on New France, after many years of small skirmishes throughout the English and French territories. New France and the Wabanaki Confederacy were able to thwart New England expansion into Acadia, whose border New France defined as the Kennebec River in southern Maine.King William’s War ended in 1697, but a second war (Queen Anne’s War) broke out in 1702. Quebec survived the English invasions of both these wars, and during the wars France seized many of the English Hudson’s Bay Company fur trading centres on Hudson Bay including York Factory, which the French renamed Fort Bourbon.
In Acadia, however, war continued. Father Rale’s War (1722–1725) was a series of battles between New England and the Wabanaki Confederacy, who were allied with New France. New France and the Wabanaki Confederacy defended against the expansion of New England settlements into Acadia, whose border New France defined as the Kennebec River in southern Maine. After the New England Conquest of Acadia in 1710, mainland Nova Scotia was under the control of New England, but both present-day New Brunswick and virtually all of present-day Maine remained contested territory between New England and New France. To secure New France’s claim to the region, it established Catholic missions among the three largest native villages in the region: one on the Kennebec River (Norridgewock); one further north on the Penobscot River (Penobscot) and one on the Saint John River (Medoctec).
The war began on two fronts: when New England pushed its way through Maine and when New England established itself at Canso, Nova Scotia. As a result of the war, Maine fell to the New Englanders with the defeat of Father Sébastien Rale at Norridgewock and the subsequent retreat of the native population from the Kennebec and Penobscot rivers to St. Francis and Becancour, Quebec.
Peace lasted in Canada until 1744, when news of the outbreak of the War of the Austrian Succession (King George’s War in North America) reached Fort Louisbourg. The French forces went on the attack first in a failed attempt to capture Annapolis Royal, the capital of the British Nova Scotia. In 1745 William Shirley, governor of Massachusetts, led a counterattack on Louisbourg. Both France and New France were unable to relieve the siege, and Louisbourg fell to the British. With the famed Duc d’Anville Expedition, France attempted to retake Acadia and the fortress in 1746 but failed. The fortress was returned to France under the Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, but the peace treaty, which restored all colonial borders to their pre-war status, did little to end the lingering enmity between France, Britain, and their respective colonies, nor did it resolve any territorial disputes.
Within Acadia and Nova Scotia, Father Le Loutre’s War (1749–1755) began with the British founding of Halifax. During Father Le Loutre’s War, New France established three forts along the border of present-day New Brunswick to protect it from a New England attack from Nova Scotia. The war continued until British victory at Fort Beausejour, which dislodged Father Le Loutre from the region, thereby ending his alliance with the Maliseet, Acadians and Mi’kmaq.
Map of territorial claims by 1750 in North America, before the French and Indian War, that was part of the greater world-wide conflict known as the Seven Years’ War (1756 to 1763). Possessions of Britain (pink), France (blue), and Spain (orange, California, Pacific Northwest, and Great Basin not indicated)
Fort Duquesne, located at the confluence of the Allegheny and Monongahela Rivers at the site of present-day Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, guarded the most important strategic location in the west at the time of the Seven Years’ War. It was built to insure that the Ohio River valley remained under French control. A small colonial force from Virginia began a fort here but a French force under Claude-Pierre Pécaudy de Contrecœur drove them off in April 1754. New France claimed this as part of their colony and the French were anxious to keep the British from encroaching on it. The French built Fort Duquesne here to serve as a military stronghold and as a base for developing trade and strengthening military alliances with the Aboriginal peoples of the area.
These British military successes were resisted, with successes by the French and Native Americans. In 1756 a large force of French, Canadiens, and their Native American allies led by Marquis de Montcalm launched an attack against the key British post at Fort Oswego on Lake Ontario from Fort Frontenac and forced the garrison to surrender. The following year Montcalm with a huge force of 7200 French and Canadiens and 2400 Native Americans laid siege to Fort William Henry on the southern shores of Lake George, and after three weeks of fighting the British commander Monroe surrendered. Montcalm gave him honorable terms to return to England and not to fight for 18 months. But many of the Native Americans were hungry for scalps and loot, so when the British force with civilians were 3 miles from the fort they massacred about 1100 of the 1500 strong force.
Then the following year the British had one victory and one defeat. The victory was at the French fortress city of Louisbourg. The defeat was at the strip of land between Lake Champlain and Lake George at the French fortress of Fort Carillon. The British force sent to capture Fort Carillon (held by just 3400 French regulars and marines with almost no militia or Indian support) was the largest ever seen in America (at that time) 16,200 British, American, and Iroquois troops under the command of the dull political General James Abercrombie (called Mrs. Nabbycrombie by his troops and aunt aubbie by his officers). This battle cost the British 2200 troops, several artillery pieces, and most of the morale of that British army; meanwhile French losses were around 200 killed or wounded.
New France now had over 70,000 inhabitants, a massive increase from earlier in the century, but the British American colonies greatly outnumbered them, with over one million people (including a substantial number of French Huguenots). It was much easier for the British colonists to organize attacks on New France than it was for the French to attack the British.
In 1755, General Edward Braddock led an expedition against the French Fort Duquesne, and although they were numerically superior to the French militia and their Indian allies, Braddock’s army was routed and Braddock was killed. Later that same year the British got some good news. General William Johnson with a force of 1700 American and Iroquois troops defeated a French force 2800 French and Canadiens and 700 Native Americans led by Baron Dieskau (Military commander of New France) at the Battle of Lake George.
While the British Conquest of Acadia happened in 1710, the French continued to remain a significant force in the region with Fort Beausejour and Fortress Louisbourg. The dominant population in the region remained Acadian. In 1755, the British were successful in the Battle of Beausejour and immediately after began the expulsion of the Acadians. The intent of the expulsion, in military terms, was to neutralize the supposed military threat posed by the Acadian people and stop the vital supply lines they maintained for Louisbourg.
A chart showing the political organization of New France, circa 1759
French culture and religion remained dominant in most of the former territory of New France, until the arrival of British settlers led to the later creation of Upper Canada (today Ontario) and New Brunswick. The Louisiana Territory, under Spanish control since the end of the Seven Years’ War, remained off-limits to settlement from the thirteen American colonies.
The only remnant of the former colonial territory of New France that remains under French control to this day is the French overseas collectivity of Saint Pierre and Miquelon (French: Collectivité territoriale de Saint-Pierre-et-Miquelon), consisting of a group of small islands 25 kilometres (13 nmi; 15 mi) off the coast of Newfoundland, Canada.
The Conquest has always been a central and contested theme of Canadian memory–as exemplified by an episode in 2009 when re-enactors were prevented from restaging the decisive 1759 battles in Quebec. Cornelius Jaenen argues that, “The Conquest has remained a difficult subject for French-Canadian historians” who were divided in viewing it. One group sees it as a highly negative economic, political and ideological disaster that threatened a way of life with materialism and Protestantism. At the other pole are those historians who see the positive benefit of enabling the preservation of language, and religion and traditional customs under British rule. French Canadian debates have escalated since the 1960s, as the conquest is seen as a pivotal moment in the history of Québec’s nationalism. Historian Jocelyn Létourneau suggested in 2009 that today, “1759 does not belong primarily to a past that we might wish to study and understand, but, rather, to a present and a future that we might wish to shape and control.”
Anglophone historians, on the other hand, portray the Conquest as a victory for British military, political and economic superiority that was a permanent benefit to the French.
^ Jump up to: abcdErik R. Seeman (2011). The Huron-Wendat Feast of the Dead: Indian-European Encounters in Early North America. Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press. p. 95.
^ Jump up to: abErik R. Seeman (2011). The Huron-Wendat Feast of the Dead: Indian-European Encounters in Early North America. Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press. p. 50.
Jump up ^Andrea Smith (2008). Native Americans and the Christian right: the gendered politics of unlikely alliances. New York: Duke University Press. p. 116.
^ Jump up to: abCatherine Randall (2011). Black Robes and Buckskin: A Selection from the Jesuit Relations. Toronto: Fordham University Press. p. 98.
Jump up ^Young, Brian (1986). In Its Corporate Capacity: the Seminary of Montreal as a Business Institution, 1816–76. Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press. pp. 3–37. Chapter 1, Holy Housekeeping: The Company and Business Management
Jump up ^Yves Landry, “Fertility in France and New France: The Distinguishing Characteristics of Canadian Behavior in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries”, Social Science History (1993) 17#4 pp. 577–592, quote p 586; in JSTOR
Jump up ^Landry, “Fertility in France and New France”, p 586
Jump up ^Jan Noel (2009). N’être plus la déléguée de personne: une réévaluation du rôle des femmes dans le commerce en Nouvelle-France. Revue d’histoire de L’Amerique francaise63. pp. 209–241.
Jump up ^Wilson, Keith (1980). Fur Trade In Canada: Focus On Canadian History Series. Toronto: Grolier Limited.
Jump up ^William Williamson. The history of the state of Maine. Vol. 2. 1832. p. 27; Griffiths, E. From Migrant to Acadian. McGill-Queen’s University Press. 2005. p.61; Campbell, Gary. The Road to Canada: The Grand Communications Route from Saint John to Quebec. Goose Lane Editions and The New Brunswick Heritage Military Project. 2005. p. 21.
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Harris, Richard Colebrook (1966). The Seigneurial System in Early Canada. Montreal: McGill-Queen’s.
Landry, Yves (1993). Fertility in France and New France: The Distinguishing Characteristics of Canadian Behavior in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries. Social Science History17. pp. 577–592. JSTOR1171305.
Parkman, Francis (1983). Francis Parkman : France and England in North America, Pioneers of France in the New World, The Jesuits in North America in the Seventeenth Century, La Salle and the Discovery of the Great West, The Old Regime in Canada. Count Frontenac and New France under Louis XIV, A Half-Century of Conflict, Montcalm and Wolfe2 (Library of America).